Tag: European Union

Is a Two-speed European Union Coming?

The serious threat to the world economy rearing up from the European Union’s inability to cauterize a looming financial crisis intensified Wednesday as the yields on Italian bonds again hit precarious highs.

Investor views of Italy’s ability to manage its sovereign debt have gone from concern to alarm in recent weeks, causing a demand for ever-higher yields on the country’s bonds. The higher yields have raised Italy’s debt obligations to a point where the country cannot service its debt unless it takes drastic measures to slash its budget deep into the bone.

Many analysts point out that with bond yields reaching 7% and higher, Italy would have to run a budget surplus of 5% of GDP or more to have any chance of reducing its total debt, which stands at 120% of GDP. Very few think the country could sustain such a huge hit to the economy — or the political fallout.

What’s needed, some analysts argue, is an overwhelming backstop – a final guarantor of euro-wide bonds for troubled countries like Italy. That would convince investors that there would be no defaults and would quickly reduce yields and thus funding costs. But the most effective potential agent for that role of lender of last resort — the European Central Bank (ECB) — does not have the support needed to act in that capacity, for a host of reasons that run from economic philosophies to political constraints.

The latest proof: German Chancellor Angela Merkel this week reinforced an earlier rejection of euro bond issues by the ECB. What’s more, her party – the Christian Democratic Union – has adopted a measure that would allow a euro zone member to leave the currency union without having to exit the European Union altogether. This would appear to build support for the idea of a “two-speed” Europe in which more economically competitive countries in the North might strengthen ties in a smaller euro zone that would — temporarily or permanently — exclude less competitive countries in the South, such as Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, which would remain members of a larger trade union. Whether or not this could be done in an orderly way or would lead to financial and economic disaster is subject to hot debate.

Last week Reuters reported that top officials in France, Germany and Belgium had been in discussion about the possibility of one or more countries exiting the euro zone “while the remaining core pushes on toward deeper economic integration, including on tax and fiscal policy.”

Wharton management professor Mauro Guillen notes that in many ways “the EU has always been two-speed — with 27 members, of which only 17 are in the euro zone. Now it seems the solution is to have fewer than 17 in the euro. It has become readily apparent that it is not working. The issue is how to shift from the present situation. The short-term pain might be great, but in the middle run, Greece, Portugal and others will recover. That is better that than a decade of stagnation.”

And from The Wall Street Journal, in its “Heard on the Street” column today: “Europe’s bond markets are in meltdown. What started as a manageable problem in Greece has reached the heart of Europe. As investors lose confidence, bonds may be starting to price in extreme outcomes such as a euro-zone break-up. The more they do so, the more likely these outcomes become, as higher yields increase financial stress. The crisis is feeding on itself.”

Find more coverage on the crisis in Europe and how it could affect the world economy in these recent Knowledge@Wharton articles.

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Greece, the Eurozone and a ‘Great Rebalancing’

A more “federalistic” system — in the vein of the structure of the United States government — would allow the European Union to streamline processes and achieve the “most significant” economic development, according to Swedish banker and industrialist Jacob Wallenberg.

In a keynote address at today’s Wharton Global Alumni Forum in San Francisco, Wallenberg, who is chairman of Investor AB in Stockholm, acknowledged that making such a move is easier said than done. “The cultural differences between the countries in Europe are such that I do not foresee a chance to move in that federalistic direction in the near future.”

What does need to happen is closer collaboration between the eurozone member countries, Wallenberg said. The concept of the EU is sound as long as all of the countries “play by the rules. The problem is that four countries did not play by the rules,” he noted, referring to the financial troubles plaguing Greece, Spain, Portugal and Ireland. “If it’s a large number of countries, that’s when you have a problem.”

Calling Greece “the weakest link in the EU today,” he added that the EU member countries and the International Monetary Fund “cannot afford a Greek meltdown” — the potential impact of which he compared to the collapse of Lehman Brothers “times two.” The worst-case result of the eurozone’s current problems would be the partial disintegration of the EU, with some countries abandoning the euro, Wallenberg said. But he believes that the eurozone “is an integral part of the global economy, and a lot more important to the world’s development than what it has been given credit for.”

Meanwhile, the global economy is experiencing a “great rebalancing,” and both Europe and the United States must pick up the pace of economic development and innovation in order to compete with emerging markets in Asia and Africa. “If the West does not act now to get more competitive, we will not be bypassed by the Chinese — I would argue that we will be run over by the Chinese,” Wallenberg said.

He also urged the lessening of a rising tide of protectionist trade policies, noting that the West needs to set an example for the rest of the world. “We can’t abandon free trade principles when they are inconvenient. We can’t introduce trade barriers and then turn around and complain about the lack of access to Brazil or India or China.”

For more on the eurozone’s future, see Knowledge@Wharton’s interview with Wharton finance professor Franklin Allen.

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One ‘Earthquake,’ Three Revolutions

30 St. Mary Axe — affectionately known as “The Gherkin” to locals — is, at 180 meters (590 feet), London’s sixth-tallest building. The structure is also the recipient of a number of design awards since opening in 2004 for its glass-domed design and eco-friendliness. It’s also one of the European Union’s 191 million buildings that author Jeremy Rifkin, who teaches in Wharton’s executive education program, predicts will be part of the next Industrial Revolution, one that must juggle the triple repercussions of the global financial crisis, an energy crisis and climate change.

It was appropriate, then, that Rifkin was at The Gherkin on Tuesday evening to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the alliance between Wharton and INSEAD, and to discuss what he has described in his growing collection of books, essays and interviews as a “post-carbon Third Industrial Revolution.” According to Rifkin, every new economic era in modern history begins with the convergence of new trends in communication and in energy. The first Industrial Revolution brought the wider use of printing presses and greater literacy, along with coal, steam and rail; the second combined the telegraph and telephone with the internal combustion engine and oil.

To describe why we’re on the cusp of a third one, Rifkin began with one of today’s hottest topics: Oil. He argued that trouble was brewing well before the current unrest in the Middle East. With oil prices steadily climbing and fossil-fuel supplies looking increasingly unlikely to meet supply, the big “earthquake” came in July 2008 when oil hit $147 a barrel as food prices skyrocketed following droughts and floods, sparking riots around the world. “We have oil at $147 a barrel, we’re in a long, protracted endgame with fossil fuels and we have climate change affecting agriculture infrastructure,” Rifkin said. And the collapse of the financial markets 60 days after the 2008 spike was simply the aftershock. Combined with the following year’s collapse of the Copenhagen climate change summit among the world’s political leaders, it struck Rifkin that the next revolution was on its way.

Where does The Gherkin come in? In anticipation of the Third Industrial Revolution, Rifkin has been working with the E.U. to develop the “pillars” of a new renewable energy regime. “We need a new economic vision, a new economic game plan for the world, that’s doable, pragmatic, that can be put in place in less than two generations, [and that is] equally applicable in the developing world as the developed world,” he said. One pillar in Rifkin’s plan is the use of buildings as “power plants.” He said buildings today consume one-third of all energy used worldwide and are the number one cause of climate change. With better design, however, buildings — from homes to offices to shopping malls — could meet energy needs by collecting and generating renewable forms of energy — from the sun or wind, for example — and then sell any surplus supplies.

Along with developing new ways to store all that new energy and promoting electric vehicles, another pillar of Rifkin’s plan involves “inter-grids.” Similar to how the Internet enables individuals to develop and share information, off-the-shelf technology will allow businesses and homeowners to develop inter-grids and share energy. As for today’s power suppliers, rather than being disintermediated, they will have a new business role in helping their clients to manage energy across supply chains. The big hitch: For his Third Revolution plan to work, Rifkin said, all these pillars need to happen simultaneously

“Delirious stuff” is what one commentator on the Internet called Rifkin’s vision. The reaction from some members in the audience at The Gherkin was more polite, but no less doubtful. What about transmission and distribution issues, asked one energy-sector executive, adding, “We can’t make 191 million buildings go south-facing suddenly.”

Rifkin partly agrees with skeptics that what he is proposing is no walk in the woods. It won’t be easy, he said, but judging from some of the gloomy scenarios for the global economy, there might not be a lot of choice. Even Rifkin has his doubts. “We are on the verge of a Third Industrial Revolution — a new convergence of communications and energy,” Rifkin noted. “But I just don’t know if we’ll get there on time.”

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Manila or Bust?

As EU leaders wrangle over whether and how to give the 440 billion euro ($600 billion) European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) more lending powers at next month’s summit, there has been no shortage of proposals in recent weeks about how best to get Europe out of its debt mess.

One increasingly popular idea for dealing with Europe’s debt crisis is to let Greece, and possibly Ireland and Portugal, essentially default. “Default is no longer unthinkable,” says Wharton finance professor Richard Marston. “I am increasingly convinced that both Greece and Ireland will have to do this. Look at the credit spreads. They are telling you that the markets expect a default. But a lot depends on how it is done.”

Another proposal is debt forgiveness, as Paul De Grauwe wrote in a January policy brief from the Centre for European Policy Studies. So rather than subjecting, say, Ireland to the “punitive interest rates” of 6% as part of its EFSF package — which the country will struggle to pay — the fund could charge 3.5%, which is the interest rate Germany pays “plus some ‘gentle’ risk premium,” thereby substantially reducing the fiscal effort Ireland would need to stabilize its debt ratio (likely to be around 110% of GDP by the end of this year) and lower the default risk. The challenge there, of course, is convincing creditor countries to provide the liquidity.

For Greece — the first country to turn to the EFSF last year — a solution said to be under consideration is what German news publication Spiegel calls “the Manila model,” reportedly named after a plan used in the Philippines in the 1980s. The voluntary Manila plan gives investors a choice: If they accept Greece’s discounted bonds (which would be bought back using an EFSF credit line), they have to book a considerable loss, but at least they would know that the losses would not be even greater. If they don’t accept the bonds, they agree to accept the risk of Greece becoming insolvent.

Marston says the Manila model “is an intriguing one because it lets the market set the terms at which Greece or any other country restructures its debt.” As he points out, there is already a huge discount on Greek debt — reflected in the huge interest premiums over German government bonds — so the restructuring would lower the debt burden substantially. What’s more, “the costs of such a buyback would be borne by the banks holding the debt.  So there are still pressures to avoid a writedown,” he notes.

Wharton finance professor N. Bulent Gultekin believes Greece could indeed end up with some sort of debt swap. “If lenders accept a flat discount, the [European Central Bank] or any entity will issue new bonds backed by their guarantees, and then speculation about a Greek or Portuguese default will disappear.”

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